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走向人民的人类学(英文版)

走向人民的人类学(英文版)

作者:费孝通
出版社:新世界出版社出版时间:2018-08-01
开本: 32开 页数: 183
本类榜单:社会科学销量榜
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走向人民的人类学(英文版) 版权信息

  • ISBN:9787510465871
  • 条形码:9787510465871 ; 978-7-5104-6587-1
  • 装帧:简裝本
  • 册数:暂无
  • 重量:暂无
  • 所属分类:>

走向人民的人类学(英文版) 本书特色

本书为费孝通先生在20世纪80年代初用英文发表的人类学文章的结集。作为国际人类学界的一位具有重要影响力的学者,费孝通先生与其前辈的人类学者相比,他不再像西方学者那样主要研究被殖民地地区的民族和文化,他的研究对象是本国的人民和文化。与前者与被研究对象是隔膜的关系不同,费先生从事人类学研究的目的在于改善人民的生活,人类学学者不再是本土文化资源的掠夺者,而是为被研究对象服务的。他非常具有洞见地提出,建立一门为人民服务的人类学。本书发表的时间正是中国刚刚走出浩劫,社会经济发生深刻变革的时期,也是中国社会人类学重建的重要时期,因此本书具有很高的学术价值和社会价值。

走向人民的人类学(英文版) 内容简介

费孝通先生人类学研究的总结之作,展现一位以为人民服务为己任的*人类学家的情怀

走向人民的人类学(英文版) 目录

PREFACE I
TOWARD A PEOPLE’S ANTHROPOLOGY 1
CHINA’S
NATIONAL MINORITIES — AN INTRODUCTORY SURVEY 25
ON THE SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION OF CHINA’S NATIONAL MINORITIES 46
ETHNIC IDENTIFICATION IN CHINA 78
MODERNIZATION AND NATIONAL MINORITIES
IN CHINA 102
REVISITING THE MOUNTAINS OF THE YAO
PEOPLE 121
APPENDICES 145
Life in Minority Areas (pictorial
) 146
NATIONAL MINORITIES AND THEIR
DISTRIBUTION 171
INDEX 176
展开全部

走向人民的人类学(英文版) 节选

PREFACE
  This is a collection of articles in English I have had published in the last two years. These were years marking the beginning of another period in my life. The articles may be read as signs of this new beginning.
  It is fifty years since I took up the study of Chinese society. In the summer of 1930, when I was twenty, I decided to switch from medicine to social science. I left Dongwu (Soochow)
  University for yenching University in Peiping. My reasoning was that as a medical doctor I might cure the afflictions of a few, but not those of hundreds of millions engendered by an irrational society. What ailed society must be cured first. Whether this decision was a wise one is hard to say. Anyway, I never became a doctor of medicine. How much have I learned about society, that too is hard to say. However, I have never had second thoughts about that decision and I shall continue on this road as I have done for the past fifty years.
  The road I have traversed has not been smooth. Leaving aside personal experiences, the changes society has undergone are in all probability unprecedented. As a student of society and living in the midst of such huge changes one should be the first to see this as an extraordinarily rare opportunity. Is not one’s understanding of human society greatly enriched observing vast and kaleidoscopic changes that could never have occurred in a stable society? In such a society one cannot help being a participant in the social changes as well as being changed oneself.
  Certainly such real experiences, physically and emotionally experienced, would be paid for with tears and blood. But they are just the things for a student of society. At the same time, one must ask oneself, in this huge and tempestuous tide of history how much can one decide for oneself? Light and darkness, life and death, forever changing, swift and unexpected. How could research keep its even tenor? All one could do was try to keep calm and persevere.
  Often it was not the life of a scholar but a scholar of life. In the summer of 1938, a few days before I left London by ship for home, Chamberlain returned to England from Munich.
  At an Indian port I read about the fall of Guangzhou (Canton) into the Japanese hands, so I had to disembark at Saigon and make my way to Kunming in the southwest province of yunnan.
  There I began an unsettled life. All hopes vanished of going home to my native place to gather more facts to fill out my Peasant Life in China, which was to be published in England.
  The village I had made a study of was then occupied by the Japanese invaders. In order to pursue my work of studying Chinese society, I had to do it in the villages of yunnan Province.
  Actually I did write up some reports of such studies in a remote temple, some of which were translated and incorporated into my Earthbound China in 1943-44 when I visited the United States for the first time.
  The following year I returned to Kunming. Political corruption was rampant and the people lived in abject poverty. It was chillingly depressive. I could not sit still, I became more convinced that sociology must be integrated with the social realities of the place and the time and must become a force promoting social advancement. Before this, I had been able to concentrate on studies and investigations, but objective realities and subjective conditions had now changed.
  It was no longer possible to carry on studies of the rural areas. Moreover, my attention had now become more and more fixed on practical social and political issues. From then for about five years, until the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, I spoke out and wrote about the things which upset and angered me. During this period I wrote many articles. It was perhaps the most prolific period in my life.
  My image abroad then was as Professor R. Redfield had written in his preface to my China’s Gentry, A man who has written widely, talked much, and acted fearlessly toward the solution of the immense social problems of China.
  The situation after the country?ˉs liberation has had both a positive and negative influence on my academic work. On the positive side: In order to bring about the equality of all nationalities within the country, China embarked on a grand research project to study ethnic questions and, as one who had studied social anthropology, I was included in this undertaking. This settled for me the thrust of my work for this period. In 1950 I began to join the fieldwork group organized by the Central People?ˉs Government and for two years we visited and interviewed national minorities in Guizhou (Kweichow) and Guangxi (Kwangsi). I spent another half year in helping to identify nationalities in Guizhou. In 1956 I was again in charge of supervising the task of studying the social development of the national minorities of China organized by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress. My duties came to an end in the autumn of 1957. The materials used in the articles included in this collection came for the most part from studies carried out during this period of seven years.
  Apart from the positive side, there was also the negative side. In the third year following the country’s liberation, in the midst of the process of reforms, the legitimacy of sociology as an academic discipline in China was denied and all departments of sociology and sociological studies in colleges were suspended from the summer of 1952. In 1957 when some friends proposed rehabilitating sociology in China I said a few words in concurrence.
  At that time, the country was in the middle of an exaggerated struggle against Rightists and many veterans in Chinese sociological circles were wrongly branded as bourgeois Rightists. I was not excluded. About this event in my life the American anthropologist J.P. McGough edited the book Fei Hsiaotung, the Dilemma of a Chinese Intellectual (M.E. Sharpe, 1979). This book can be taken as a record of the start of another period of vicissitude in my life.
  My life in the years from 1957 to 1979, including the 10 years of the so-called cultural revolution was inevitably very abnormal. I could no longer carry on social studies as an academician, but what I went through gave me the most vivid and original material for an understanding and insight into society and life. I only blamed myself for my low theoretical grasp which prevented me from fully appreciating and understanding the abundantly rich events in the life of those years. But despite the perils and trials I continued to write whenever the opportunity offered and if that were impossible I edited and translated.
  During those years, some colleagues and I managed to gather and collate several volumes of historical and geographical material about the nationalities in the western border region and also translated two fairly large volumes of world history.
  Then another tremendous change occurred and order appeared out of chaos. The state of instability finally ended. After the calamitous decade, I was assigned in 1978 to re-establish sociological studies in the Academy of Social Sciences. It was officially acknowledged that it had been a mistake to deny the legitimacy of sociology in China. The black clouds passed. The sun shone again. Although I am old and my days are numbered and nearing the end of my race, there is still something left for one final effort. From the winter of 1978 to the autumn of 1980, I have been abroad four times. There are three articles in this collection which are based on talks I gave during those visits.
  With vast oceans and thick man-made fog between us, to many abroad I had become a mystery. They did not know whether I had died or still lived. Some very good and affectionate friends had even placed our correspondence in research archives. Then after 30 years, I suddenly reappeared among them. Of course they were both startled and happy. Maybe that as why colleagues abroad have lavished on me so much care and concern. The honors they have bestowed on me are more than I deserve. This makes me very uneasy. What one has done in one’s life should be appraised by those coming after. What is right and what is wrong can be settled by the public. But one is only too well aware of one’s inadequacies in the field of scholarship.
  ……

走向人民的人类学(英文版) 作者简介

费孝通,享有国际盛誉的社会人类学家和社会活动家,中国社会学和人类学的奠基人之一。其著作《江村经济》被著名英国人类学家马林诺夫斯基称为人类学发展史上的里程碑,也是中国人类学的奠基之作。他的主要研究方法是类型比较法和社区研究法,他主张人类学应当是科学的、对人民有用的社会调查研究必须符合广大人民的利益,也就是说真正的应用人类学必须是为广大人民利益服务的人类学,并终生为这一目标而努力。

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